What new Census job-flow data can teach us about employment, economic dependability, and the pressures fathers carry into family life.
By Kenneth Braswell, CEO, Fathers Incorporated
The question โAre you working?โ is one of those questions that seems straightforward until youโve spent enough time listening to the answers. Even when the answer is yes, its meaning can vary:
- A week with benefits and a predictable paycheck
- Three days this week and maybe five next week
- A temporary assignment that ends Friday
- A warehouse job that disappeared last month and another that started Tuesday
- Two part-time jobs stitched together without health insurance
- A new position that pays less than the one Dad lost six months ago
The older I get in this work, the more I believe โAre you working?โ is an incomplete question.
Employment Data Must Tell the Deeper Story
The U.S. Census Bureauโs latest release of Job-to-Job Flows data gives us a useful reason to rethink the questions weโre asking. The R2026Q3 release, published September 21, 2026, does more than count whoโs employed and whoโs not. The underlying data distinguish workers moving directly between jobs, workers experiencing brief periods of nonemployment, workers entering persistent nonemployment, workers returning from persistent nonemployment, and changes in earnings associated with certain stable job transitions. In other words, the Census lets us view employment as movement rather than merely status.
That distinction matters deeply to fathers. A father who says he has had four jobs in the past year may sound employed on paper. But inside his household, those four jobs can tell four very different stories. Perhaps each move represented advancement. Maybe he left one position on Friday and started a better one Monday with more money, better hours, and a shorter commute. Thatโs mobility.
But another father might have spent weeks or months between those same four jobs, watching bills accumulate while trying to keep his car running, his child-support obligation current, food in his refrigerator, and his parenting schedule intact. Thatโs instability.
A job change can be a ladder, but it can also be a trapdoor. The Responsible Fatherhood field needs to become better at recognizing the difference.
How Employment Needs Can Impact Fathers and Families
At Fathers Incorporated, employment has never been disconnected from the rest of a fatherโs life. Our work with fathers has repeatedly shown us that employment sits alongside housing, child support, parenting time, legal issues, relationships, mental health, transportation, and the everyday responsibilities of raising children. In our Gentle Warriors Academy work, employment appeared among the leading services fathers said they needed, together with legitimation, child support, housing, parenting time, and family legal assistance.
An independent evaluation of that work reveals an even more complicated employment picture. Among participating fathers, 56 percent reported full-time employment at baseline. Another 11 percent worked part time, 9 percent said their hours changed, 6 percent were working temporary or occasional jobs, and 20 percent reported that they were not currently employed. All of those men could eventually be reduced to a single choice on a form โ employed or unemployed โ but their actual economic lives are much more complicated.
For example, children donโt experience their fatherโs employment through a government category. They experience it through life:
- They experience whether Dad can pick them up when he said he would.ย
- They experience the extra shift that causes him to miss an event.ย
- They experience what happens when reliable transportation disappears because the car payment fell behind.ย
- They feel the effects when a new job changes Dadโs schedule, when housing becomes unstable, or when money becomes the argument their parents keep having.ย
- They may also experience the stress Dad carries home after another setback, whether it shows up as withdrawal, frustration, exhaustion, silence, or conflict.
None of that means economic instability automatically produces poor parenting. Fathers remain responsible for how they respond to difficult circumstances. Losing a job doesnโt give Dad permission to disappear. Earning less doesnโt relieve him of the responsibility to communicate with his co-parent. Financial hardship doesnโt justify hostility, intimidation, disengagement, or placing children in the middle of adult frustration. Responsible fatherhood still requires honesty, effort, sacrifice, communication, emotional maturity, safety, and a willingness to contribute financially to oneโs children according to oneโs ability and legal responsibilities.
Accountability and Child Support Amid Employment Struggles
Understanding circumstances is not the same thing as excusing behavior, but it does allow accountability to become more intelligent.
A father steadily moving from one job into a better one is not experiencing the same economic condition as a father repeatedly cycling between short-term employment and months without work. A father refusing to financially support his child when he has the capacity to do so is not situated the same as a father whose employment has collapsed and who is actively trying to regain his footing. Both fathers may have similar responsibilities, but the support that will help them meet those responsibilities may differ greatly.
This is particularly relevant to child support. For decades, public policy has rightly insisted that parents contribute financially to their children’s care. Children need food, clothing, health care, housing, transportation, education, and stability whether their parents live together or apart, and mothers shouldnโt be expected to carry those responsibilities alone. Fathers shouldnโt confuse being loving with being financially responsible. Children need both.
Still, child support policy canโt afford to ignore the labor market in which parents try to meet their obligations. When income changes dramatically, when employment disappears, or when a worker cycles repeatedly through unstable jobs, an order established around yesterdayโs earnings can collide with todayโs economic reality. That doesnโt erase responsibility. It should prompt us to ask whether the road to compliance sometimes needs stronger employment intervention, workforce training, transportation assistance, appropriate modification processes, or other supports that increase a fatherโs actual capacity to provide.
Fathers Incorporated has been wrestling with this tension for years. Our previous policy work has examined how low-income fathers can experience employment problems, accumulated child-support debt, and enforcement consequences simultaneously. The broader fatherhood research has also documented the complicated economic circumstances surrounding many low-income nonresident fathers, including limited education, joblessness, low earnings, housing instability, criminal justice involvement, and substantial child-support obligations.
The Responsible Fatherhood movement emerged partly from recognizing that holding men responsible and helping them become capable are not competing ideas. Fathers should be expected to contribute to their children’s emotional, social, and economic well-being. The field has also argued that fathers may need employment assistance, relationship skills, parenting education, and help navigating child support to do that successfully.
Financial Capacity and Character Arenโt the Same Thing
I have long believed that one mistake we make with fathers is confusing financial capacity with character.
Sometimes a man does need to work harder. Sometimes Dad needs to stop making excuses. Sometimes he needs to accept a job he doesn’t want because his child needs him to contribute now. Sometimes responsibility means doing what pride would rather avoid. A father canโt simply point at the economy, the court, his co-parent, his employer, or his past and declare himself free of obligation.
Other times, however, a father works hard in a labor market that gives him little stability.
Our research with young Black fathers in Atlanta captured some of that experience long before I began looking at Job-to-Job Flows in the Census data. Young men told us about the anxiety of becoming fathers without substantial education, economic security, or examples of the kind of fatherhood they were trying to practice.ย
Listening to fathers over the years has reinforced something else for me. The provider role matters enormously to many men. Sometimes it matters so much that when men believe theyโre failing economically, they begin to believe they’re failing entirely as fathers.
That can become its own source of trouble.
A paycheck is part of fatherhood. Itโs not the whole of fatherhood. Children also need Dadโs time, reassurance, discipline, affection, guidance, reliability, curiosity, laughter, emotional availability, and presence. A man struggling economically still possesses many of those things to give. At the same time, we should never romanticize economic hardship by pretending love can pay the electric bill. Healthy fatherhood requires us to hold both truths at once.
Collecting More Detailed Employment Data
This is where I believe the Census Job-to-Job Flows data creates an opportunity for organizations like Fathers Incorporated. We should begin measuring economic progress differently.
Instead of stopping at โDid Dad get a job?โ we should ask what happened next:
- Did he keep it?ย
- Did he move from a period of nonemployment into stable employment?ย
- If he changed jobs, did his earnings improve?ย
- Did his hours become more predictable?ย
- Did he gain benefits?ย
- Did he shorten a commute that had been interfering with parenting time?ย
- Is he still employed 90 days later? Six months later? One year later?ย
- Is his family more economically secure than it was when he first walked through our door?
These questions move workforce development beyond placement and toward something I would call economic dependability.
Economic dependability should never become a measure of a manโs human worth. A father making $40,000 isnโt twice the father of a man making $20,000. Money doesnโt work that way, and neither does fatherhood. Economic dependability instead asks whether a fatherโs employment and financial circumstances are becoming stable enough for him to meet his responsibilities more consistently.
For fatherhood organizations, that may mean tracking employment continuity, job retention, earnings growth, transportation reliability, housing stability, career advancement, and the ability to meet reasonable child-related financial responsibilities over time.
The Job-to-Job Flows data can help us understand part of that environment because the Census tracks continuous job-to-job movement, transitions involving brief nonemployment, movement into persistent nonemployment, return to stable employment, and earnings before and after certain job transitions. Thatโs considerably more useful than simply knowing the unemployment rate.
However, the Census data also exposes a problem Fathers Incorporated has become increasingly interested in: America still doesnโt measure fathers particularly well.
The public Job-to-Job Flows data can identify workers across categories including sex, age, race, ethnicity, education, geography, and industry. The Census publishes combinations such as sex by age and other worker characteristics. What the J2J data do not identify is whether those workers are fathers.
We canโt look at a male employment statistic and simply rename it a fatherhood statistic. A male worker isnโt automatically a father. A male householder isnโt automatically a father. A man who doesnโt live with his child isn’t automatically disengaged from that child. Residence tells us something important about family structure, but it doesnโt tell us everything about parenting behavior.
Iโve said for years that thereโs no such thing as a fatherless child. One hundred percent of biological children have fathers. The question isnโt if he exists. The question is where he exists. A father can live outside a childโs household and remain significantly involved, while another father can share an address with his child and remain emotionally disengaged.
If we want better fatherhood policy, we eventually need better fatherhood data. We need federal surveys and administrative systems that help us understand not merely whether a man lives in a household with children but whether he is a biological, adoptive, step, social, resident, or nonresident father, how frequently he engages with his children, what caregiving responsibilities he performs, and what barriers interfere with that engagement.
Until these measures improve, fatherhood organizations have to do something large datasets canโt fully do. We have to place the numbers beside peopleโs lives. We have to:
- Listen to fathers, mothers, co-parents, and children.
- Ask what economic instability actually does once it reaches the kitchen table.ย
- Understand what belongs to the labor market, public policy, and family-serving systems, what belongs between co-parents, and what responsibility still belongs squarely to Dad.
After more than 20 years of this work, I still believe fathers should work when they are able. They should provide. They should pursue education, training, advancement, and opportunities that strengthen their families. They shouldnโt hide behind systems, circumstances, or statistics when responsibility is theirs to carry.
I also believe our responsibility as a society extends beyond telling Dad to get a job and congratulating ourselves when he does.
We should care whether that job becomes something he can build upon. We should care whether employment gives him greater capacity to support his children rather than keeping him in a revolving door of economic uncertainty. And fatherhood organizations should be willing to measure whether the economic interventions we provide actually help fathers become more stable over time.
Because the real goal isnโt simply an employed father. Itโs a father whose circumstances increasingly allow him to be dependable. And helping fathers build economically dependable lives may be one of the most practical ways we can help them become more dependable for the children who are counting on them.
Sources and Further Reading
U.S. Census Bureau, Longitudinal Employer-Household Dynamics, Job-to-Job Flows R2026Q3. The September 21, 2026 release includes measures of job-to-job transitions, nonemployment transitions, stable employment, and earnings associated with selected job flows.
U.S. Census Bureau, Job-to-Job Flows data documentation and public-use schema. The documentation explains continuous job-to-job movement, brief and persistent nonemployment, origin and destination jobs, demographic characteristics, and earnings measures.
Fathers Incorporated, 2021โ2023 Impact Report.ย
Midwest Evaluation and Research, Descriptive Evaluation of Fathers Incorporatedโs Gentle Warriors Academy Program, 2025. The evaluation documents participant employment status and examines FIโs integrated approach to parenting, relationships, economic empowerment, case management, and father well-being.
Moynihan Institute for Fatherhood Research and Policy, The Experiences and Needs of Atlantaโs Young NPU-V Fathers. The study documents the economic concerns, employment pressures, family experiences, and service needs expressed by young Black fathers in Atlanta.
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